00:00:00
Dr. Paul Offit
TORGHELE: It's May 20, 2016, and I am at Children's Hospital of Philadelphia
with Dr. Paul Offit. I will let Dr. Offit introduce himself in a minute. I will
just say that he is a co-inventor of the rotavirus RotaTeq vaccine, along with
Fred Clark and Stanley Plotkin. The rotavirus vaccine is credited with saving
hundreds, if not thousands, of children's lives worldwide every day. He's the
author of a number of books that contribute enormously to public health
education, especially related to vaccines. Today we're focusing on polio and
CDC's [Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's] role overall with polio,
how polio affected CDC, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and how
CDC affected polio. So we'll focus on those years related to how both evolved
over the years, and since Dr. Offit wrote The Cutter Incident in 2005, we'll
00:01:00talk mostly with him about that book. Now, I'll let you introduce yourself and
tell your title, Dr. Offit. Thank you for being here, by the way.
OFFIT: Sure, my pleasure. I'm Paul Offit. I'm a member of the Division of
Infectious Diseases here at the Children's Hospital of Philadelphia, and the
director of its Vaccine Education Center. I'm also a professor of pediatrics,
and Maurice R. Hilleman professor of vaccinology, at the Perelman School of
Medicine at the University of Pennsylvania.
TORGHELE: Thank you. Now, what I'd like to find out is how you got interested in
medicine, and what led you to specialize especially in vaccines. What was your
interest, and how did that happen?
OFFIT: I think my interest in medicine came from probably a series of events
that occurred when I was a little boy. When I was five years old, I had a couple
things that happened. One is that I ruptured my spleen after falling from a
00:02:00height, and that put me in the hospital for a few days. And all this bigness
and, at some level, glamour of being in the hospital and seeing all these
physicians who saved my life. Secondly, but probably more importantly, was that
I was in the polio ward for a couple of months when I was five years old. I
wasn't there because I had polio. I was there because I had been born with
clubbed feet, and one of my two feet never really corrected, and so there was a
surgery that was done that was apparently a difficult surgery. So I ended up
having a fairly lengthy post-op course that was in a polio ward, as it turns
out. The other 19 people who were in that ward all had polio, and I just saw
them as sort of vulnerable and helpless and alone. I think that drew me to
trying to work with children, and especially the draw, I guess, to infectious diseases.
00:03:00
TORGHELE: That's interesting. You were interested in infectious diseases,
specifically in vaccines. How did that come about?
OFFIT: I think it was, I was of a time, because I was a child of the '50s, where
my pediatrician came to our office. I'm sorry, I was of a time, as a child in
the 1950s, where the pediatrician that I had, who was Milton Markowitz, came to
our home when we were ill. When we had to get vaccines, we actually went to his
home. He sort of pulled the vaccines out of the refrigerator and gave it to us
actually in his home. It was kind of like a family affair. Dr. Markowitz became
probably the world's expert on rheumatic fever. He published a monograph on
rheumatic fever with Leon Gordis that still stands as the seminal work. He
eventually became dean of the University of Connecticut's Medical School. I grew
up in Baltimore, so he was a private pediatrician, then and I just happened to
00:04:00have a guy as a private pediatrician who was an enormous role model for me.
TORGHELE: Did you talk to him then about the possibility of you becoming a
physician as well?
OFFIT: Yes, definitely. He made it glamorous and fun.
TORGHELE: So he was sort of a mentor.
OFFIT: Yes. To the degree that one can have a mentor as a five, or six-year-old, yes.
TORGHELE: Do you remember getting the polio vaccine?
OFFIT: Yes. I certainly remember getting vaccines. I can't remember whether it
was that vaccine. I was born in 1951, so the vaccine came out in 1955. I can
tell you for a fact that our physician, Dr. Markowitz, specifically told my
parents to wait. The Cutter incident had happened before I was going to be
getting that vaccine, and so he said, let's wait. Then what ended up happening
is after a couple of years he felt then that the inactivated vaccine was safe
enough, and so I got the inactivated vaccine. Then when the live attenuated
vaccine came out, the Sabin vaccine came out, I got that also. I guess I was of
00:05:00an age where we actually got the sequential schedule, what became known as the
sequential schedule. The inactivated vaccine followed by the oral vaccine.
TORGHELE: I wonder now how you got interested in writing books, along with all
that you were doing. What was the drive that made you write The Cutter Incident
about the…
OFFIT: So here was a vaccine that was made badly. You had this tremendous
interest in a polio vaccine. When Jonas Salk announced that, when the trial of
Jonas Salk's vaccine was performed at the University of Michigan and the
announcement was made that it was safe, potent and effective, it was dramatic,
as dramatic as D-Day.
So five companies stepped forward to make it, and at least one company made it
badly, and as a consequence about 120,000 were inoculated with live, fully
00:06:00virulent polio virus. About forty thousand developed abortive or short-lived
polio. About two hundred were permanently paralyzed and ten were killed. I think
you could argue that was, if not the worst, one of the worst biological
disasters in our country's history. I just wanted to understand how it could happen.
I think what drove me to that was that I talked to Neal Nathanson, who at the
time was a young Epidemiology Intelligence Service Officer at the CDC, and
Maurice Hilleman, both of whom told me that there was basically a bad actor at
Cutter Laboratories. His name was Walter Ward. He was head of that program, and
he was a bad actor. He essentially knew that the vaccine had a problem, and yet
he let it be released anyway. I found that very hard to believe. Even though
these two senior scientists told me that that was true, I found it very hard to
believe that at that time, in the 1950s, given what was at stake with that
vaccine, that anybody would knowingly let a bad vaccine out there. So that set
me on what really ended up being about an eight-year course of digging through
00:07:00archives trying to figure out what happened at Cutter Laboratories.
Actually, that one chapter in my book called "What Went Wrong at Cutter
Laboratories" is my favorite chapter, because it was that much work to get
there. It obviously wasn't that simple. All five companies had a problem
inactivating virus, as did Wyeth, who not only had a problem inactivating it,
but also made a vaccine that paralyzed and killed children. That I was able to
dig out at the National Archives and Record Administration with a CDC archivist
who really pointed to me where that particular monograph, what was called "The
Wyeth Problem." It was never published. Neal told me it existed. Neal Nathanson
told me it existed, but he didn't tell me where it was. He didn't know where it
was. Then you saw that actually it shouldn't have been called the Cutter
incident. It should have been called the scale-up incident because that was
really what the problem was. We just had trouble scaling up that vaccine.
Cutter was blamed, but I think Cutter was sacrificed really so that everybody
could feel they were the problem, they were the bogeyman. It wasn't anything
other than them, and once they stopped making the polio vaccine we could all
feel safe again.
In truth, we could all feel safe again because we developed better safety
00:08:00testing methods, both in animals and in tissue cultures. So we could feel
better, but I think it was Alexander Langmuir actually at the CDC who gave this
the name "the Cutter incident," I think for that reason. But it was much more
complicated than that and much greater than that, I think, of any of the books
I've written. I think The Cutter Incident was the most satisfying because it was
a process of discovery, just like science is a process of discovery. When, I
think, I realized what went wrong at Cutter Laboratories, it was just satisfying
to see that there wasn't a bad actor at one company, which just didn't make any sense.
TORGHELE: The Wyeth information was suppressed for a long time. Were you the
first to discover that?
OFFIT: I think, well, Neal Nathanson certainly knew it existed. He wrote the
paper, he knew that it was suppressed, that it wasn't going to be put out there,
because I think that would have scared people that we just didn't know what we
were doing. So we blamed it all on Cutter, but it was odd that, the archivist
00:09:00who helped me at CDC was named Love, was his last name. I can't remember his
first name. But he took me to the National Archives and Record Administration,
the southeastern branch which was in Atlanta, Georgia, and we went through this
huge warehouse. There was this big cardboard box which was way up on a skid that
had to be, we had to elevate ourselves to pull this box down using one of those
sort of forklifts. And in that unmarked box, buried in this big unmarked box,
was that document, "The Wyeth Problem," which I think really helped explain
things. I think it was fortunate that he was kind enough and smart enough to
show me where it was. And Neal certainly never hid the fact that that existed.
TORGHELE: It must have been like finding treasure!
OFFIT: Yeah, it was remarkable. It was just fun putting the whole thing
together. Also the other thing that was really hard, and it was revelatory, were
the court cases. You couldn't really find the court cases. These were not
criminal suits. They were civil suits, so the court records weren't kept for
00:10:00very long. So even though there were a number of trials, I couldn't really find
those early trials because everybody sort of settled after the first couple
trials. So I called Melvin Belli's wife, who eventually directed me to a guy who
lived on a houseboat off of the beach in Southern California who told me, for
$1,500 he could find these records for me because I couldn't find them in law
libraries, I couldn't find them in the lawyers' offices because they had thrown
all those records away. I agreed to pay him half initially and then another half
for when I had it in hand. He was ultimately able to find that for me. Those
court records and all the documents associated with those court records were
also very informative.
TORGHELE: Yes, because you include conversations in the court between lawyer and
judge and the plaintiff. You describe it very well. It feels like you're sitting
right there with them as you read the book. The outcome was interesting. Do you
want to tell what happened and how that was unique?
00:11:00
OFFIT: It was a directed verdict. At the time, it was the birth of liability
without fault. Which is to say, at the time, you would have had to have proven
before that that when somebody in this case, for example, made a vaccine badly,
that they knew that they had made it badly and that therefore they were
culpable. Obviously, these companies didn't know that they'd made it badly. The
safety tests just weren't good enough to pick up the fact that there were still
live, virulent polio viruses in these batches of vaccines. They didn't think,
they thought they were making safe vaccines. In fact, they gave these vaccines
to their own children. The people who did the safety testing gave the vaccines
to their own children. I think that tells you everything you need to know about
whether there was an evil player at any of these companies. With that, let's
pause for one second because I just lost my train of thought. The original
question was --
TORGHELE: The outcomes and what changed in law.
00:12:00
OFFIT: Law case, got it. What the judge basically said was, if you are to find
this company guilty, if they made a vaccine that caused polio, in other words,
if a vial says polio vaccine, it is understood that it prevents polio and
doesn't cause it. Therefore, for that reason, you have to find these companies
guilty, in this case, Cutter Laboratories. It was a directed verdict, and it was
the birth of liability without fault. You could be liable for something that was
made badly, even if you didn't know that you were making it badly, even if you
were making it according to all the prescriptive guidelines that were in place
at the time both by the government and others, regulatory agencies.
TORGHELE: Just to step back a little bit, these pharmaceutical companies got
their information about how to make the vaccine directly from Dr. Salk's labs.
Is that correct?
OFFIT: When the vaccine was made for the field trial, for the big 1954 field
trial, the one that was run by Thomas Francis, that was made according to a
00:13:00fifty-five-page document that was produced by Jonas Salk in collaboration with
the people that were making the vaccine for the field trial, which were only two
of the companies, Parke-Davis and Eli Lilly, who were veteran vaccine makers.
When it then became a matter of federal regulation, and this was really before
we were very good at federally regulating vaccines. It was the Division of
Biological Standards within the National Institutes of Health, but it was really
only a handful of people. They did it part-time. Really, their main interest was
their own research lab. The federal regulation of vaccines was weak. So that
fifty-five-page document really became a five-page document. You didn't even
have to use formaldehyde to inactivate the vaccine. You could use UV light, as
one of the companies had asked to do. It was a much thinner, weaker regulatory
guideline. Because there was so much wiggle room in it, I think that was part of
the problem.
TORGHELE: You mentioned NIH [National Institutes of Health], National Institutes
00:14:00of Health. They were the ones who went first to Cutter Labs when there was an
inkling that there may be some trouble there. Can you tell what happened when
they went to see Cutter Labs?
OFFIT: People from the NIH, representatives from the NIH, went to Cutter
Laboratories to see if they could figure out what went wrong. They did see some
things that were wrong. So for example, a live virus was stored, for example, as
in the same area as, in theory, the vaccine was, and there was worry about
cross-contamination. But I don't think it was ever really clear that the problem
was largely a filtration problem. Which is to say when Salk did his filtration,
he used a Seitz filter. This filter, which was much slower, but much more
thorough at pulling out the cells and cellular debris. When it went to the
00:15:00commercial laboratories, the filtration process was much faster, but also much
less thorough. I think that was the problem, but I think that only was revealed
much later. I don't think that the NIH researchers really figured that out.
TORGHELE: So they passed Cutter, essentially.
OFFIT: Yes, that's right.
TORGHELE: What happened next?
OFFIT: Cutter Laboratories made vaccines for primarily people in the West and
Southwest, and there were, they made lots of vaccines, two of which were the
so-called high-risk lots that contained, that had live, virulent polio virus in it.
00:16:00
TORGHELE: What I'm wondering here is when CDC got involved and how, and also,
00:17:00there were other people who were concerned about Cutter. One of them I'm
thinking of is Julius Youngner. I wonder if you could tell the story. I know
it's public now and it's been published already, but I wonder if you could add
that as part of the story.
OFFIT: I actually had done that interview with Dr. Youngner, and, interestingly,
when David Oshinsky wrote his book Polio: An American Story, and he interviewed
me for that book, I had told him I thought he should talk to Julius Youngner
because I think Julius had some interesting things to say. For which he, David
Oshinsky ultimately won the Pulitzer Prize for his book, which is just a
wonderful historical book written by a great historian. In any case, what
Youngner believed was that when he went to Cutter Labs, because he also went
there on behalf of Dr. Salk to look at the way that they were producing this
vaccine, he saw the same thing the NIH researchers had seen which was that there
was a storage of live virus in the same place as inactivated vaccine. He told
00:18:00Dr. Salk that and regretted that he only told Dr. Salk that, and then Dr. Salk
never really said it to anybody else. He felt that Dr. Salk had buried that
information and that that is what led to the Cutter tragedy. But that wasn't it.
It was a filtration problem.
When they grew polio virus in cell culture and then inactivated it with
formaldehyde, if you didn't filter out the cells and cell debris, then the
formaldehyde couldn't get to some of those virus particles. It was essentially,
the virus particles would be hidden in the cells and cell debris. You needed to
filter out that cell and cellular debris. I don't think anybody realized that
until later. It really took time to realize. Also, you had to develop better
safety methods, which is to say, you did animal inoculation studies where you
actually immunosuppressed the animals with steroids before you inoculated. You
did direct inoculation into the animal's spinal column or spinal cord. You also
had in vitro studies, which is to say, studies in the laboratory where you kept
00:19:00those cells around for much longer to pick up what would be much smaller
inoculum virus. That took time to realize. I don't think, I know Dr. Youngner
feels that he had, by not going directly to authorities, somehow led to the
Cutter incident. I think he's wrong. I don't think that would have mattered.
That wasn't the problem.
TORGHELE: In any case, Wyeth had the same problem.
OFFIT: And Wyeth had the same problem.
TORGHELE: And he didn't know about that one.
OFFIT: Yes, just at a lesser scale. They didn't produce as much vaccine, there
weren't as many deaths. But when Cutter released its vaccine, very quickly in
April of that year you started to see children coming down with polio at a time
before you would have expected to see children develop polio, number one,
because typically it's more of a summer virus. Secondly, you saw them coming
down with polio in the limbs, in which they were inoculated. Those two things, I
think, led CDC to immediately send people like Neal Nathanson into the field to
see what was happening. And you saw that it wasn't, this wasn't natural polio.
This was polio that was being caused by the polio vaccine, and it shut down the
00:20:00program for a few weeks.
TORGHELE: Speaking of Neal Nathanson, and being an Epidemic Intelligence
Officer, can you tell how CDC became involved first and what that was like, what
was done and what you know about the process of how they handled that emergency?
OFFIT: Well, Neal would be the best person to talk to. He's still around. He's
here at Penn, head of our Global Health Program. I think they very quickly, with
a series of phone calls, which fortunately there were transcripts for, got
involved in this incident to see just what had happened, what had gone wrong.
And when then they did realize that there was a problem caused by the vaccines,
and they took a very dramatic step, which was to shut down the whole program.
Nobody was vaccinated anymore until they could figure out what went wrong. If
that had happened today, I think you would have seen a much different response
than what happened at that time. At that time, people still trusted the
government, they still trusted pharmaceutical companies, they still trusted what
00:21:00we non-euphemistically call the medical establishment today, and so they waited.
People waited, trusting that people would figure out what had happened.
Think about it, this was a vaccine that paralyzed and killed children, and yet
people waited to see what the problem was. And when the problem was figured out,
people embraced, for the most part, embraced the vaccine again. I mean, the
American Academy of Pediatrics was probably the slowest to embrace it, but
ultimately people did embrace it. If you listen to the exit interviews, even
with these court cases, when Cutter was taken to court, people trusted the
pharmaceutical industry. They believed that they weren't evil-doers trying to
hurt children so that they could make money. That's not true today. I think I'd
be curious what would have happened to the CEO of Cutter Laboratories today.
Probably would have been hung.
TORGHELE: Yes, things have changed quite a bit. When Alex Langmuir was involved
with this, do you remember hearing about how he handled it and how he maximized
00:22:00that experience to establish EIS in CDC in their role of surveillance and being
the disease detectives that they are today?
OFFIT: Yes, I think this launched the CDC in many ways as the amazing detective
agency that it is. It gave it enormous credibility. They were able to isolate
the problem, figure out what the problem was, ultimately then to move forward so
that we can continue to protect children against polio using a polio vaccine.
They were facing, I think, what is an enormous amount of distrust from the
public, and also they need to maintain the trust of the pharmaceutical industry.
Those were the only groups, the pharmaceutical industry were the only ones to
have the expertise and resources to make vaccines, so you don't want to alienate
them by being too burdensome or restrictive, but I think they walked that line
well. As detectives figuring out what happened, I think this launched the CDC.
You can see exactly how quickly they could act and how effectively they could act.
00:23:00
TORGHELE: These were guys, mostly guys, who had had a little bit of training
right after medical school and went right out into the field. I did talk to Dr.
Nathanson on Wednesday, and he said he's the only EIS Officer who didn't have
the course because he was sent right out into the field to do that work. It was
quite a story. No computers, no handheld calculators or anything.
OFFIT: It's just sort of shoe-leather detective work, and that was done. It was
at a time when, remember, polio was still a common disease in the United States.
They needed to figure it out and needed to figure it out quickly. They were
under the gun to figure it out because we were about to enter polio season. They
shut down the program for three weeks and when it was reestablished again, it
was reestablished again as a safe, effective vaccine. It was very quickly done,
and it had to be done quickly because polio season was about to start.
00:24:00
TORGHELE: And people were scared.
OFFIT: Yes. I was born in 1951 so my mother didn't let us go to public swimming
pools. I was able to swim with me and my two cousins in the backyard in one of
those little plastic pools because they didn't want us, because they were scared
to death of polio. Actually, the birth of summer camps in the Northeast was to
get away from the city in the hopes of avoiding polio. One thing I talk about in
the book is, my father went to a camp called Camp Idlewild where there was a
polio outbreak in the camp that paralyzed the children, and I think even killed
a child or two. He wakes up the next morning, comes out to revelry or whatever,
and sees that the head of the camp had actually hung himself.
TORGHELE: Oh, gosh.
OFFIT: I think the best description, just in terms of a novelist, is Philip
Roth's book Nemesis, which describes the polio outbreak in New Jersey, and it's
00:25:00really well done.
TORGHELE: It is well done. It's a very well-done book. I'm trying to do this
sequentially. CDC then took the information that they had and it resulted in the
report called "The Cutter Incident." This is coauthored by Alex Langmuir and
Neal Nathanson. What happened as a result of that paper?
OFFIT: I think as a result of that paper, we put in place for the first time, I
guess, post-licensure surveillance systems. Now you had in place a system to
very quickly determine whether there was a problem. I think it's funny, people
will ask me the question all the time, why should I trust the pharmaceutical
industry, and it's a for-profit industry. Why should I trust them when I know
that this is all for the purpose of making money?
The answer is you don't have to trust them. There is in place now something even
00:26:00larger, the so-called Vaccine Safety Data Link that will very quickly see who's
gotten a vaccine and who hasn't, and if there's a problem that comes up, they'll
see it quickly. With the RotaShield vaccine that was released in this country in
1998, it was on the market for ten months, was found to be a very rare cause of
intussusception very quickly. If Vioxx, frankly, were a vaccine, its being a
rare cause of heart attacks would have been picked up much quicker than it was
because there is no drug safety link. I think if there was a drug safety link
similar to what we have for vaccines, you would see that more quickly.
TORGHELE: I'm wondering now, what was the reaction of Jonas Salk during the
Cutter incident goings-on?
OFFIT: When I wrote this book, I didn't interview Jonas Salk since he had passed
away, but I talked to his wife and she said he was utterly heartbroken, just
heartbroken that this had happened. This thing he had worked so hard on now had
00:27:00come crashing down. At some level, he was always upset that this fifty-five-page
document for producing vaccine, as was done in the Francis Field trial, had
suddenly become a five- or five-and-a-half-page document that was much looser
and he knew, feared would be too loose.
TORGHELE: By contrast, what was the reaction of Albert Sabin?
OFFIT: I think Sabin, who frankly was a bastard, was probably gleeful that this
had happened. He always had felt that his vaccine was the better vaccine.
Although I think he was wrong because he was still under the false notion, as
everybody was at the time, that the only way you could induce, i.e., confer
immunity, which is to say, long-term immunity, would be with either getting
naturally infected or being inoculated with a live weakened virus. He never
believed that you could develop a memory response, a so-called anamnestic
response, by giving a whole killed virus. He believed, as everybody did at the
00:28:00time, that you would need to give frequent boosters throughout your lifetime if
you were to be protected.
Jonas Salk, if you look at his original data from the 1950s, he had proven that
you can induce a memory response. For that observation, which was groundbreaking
at the time, I honestly think he should have won the Nobel Prize, because it was
an enormous technological advancement at the time. But Jonas Salk wasn't
embraced. He was seen as a self-promoting scientist, a scientist who was willing
to go on the airwaves, and scientists didn't like that.
TORGHELE: You make a point of, he wasn't in any of the organizations that you
would expect him to be elected to, like the Institute of Medicine or --
OFFIT: That's right. Never a member of the National Academy of Sciences, the
Institute of Medicine, the National Academy of Sciences.
TORGHELE: But never stopped working.
OFFIT: No, he was dogged.
TORGHELE: When you wrote your book Vaccinated about Maurice Hilleman, he was
00:29:00also involved with the polio vaccine. Can you talk a little bit about him and
what he did?
OFFIT: Maurice trained at the University of Chicago, where he got his PhD. He
then actually went to work in industry, initially at E. R. Squibb, to make what
was at the time a Japanese encephalitis virus vaccine. Then he left Squibb to
work at Merck. His flagship product at Merck was a polio vaccine. What he found
in the manufacture of that vaccine was that, he found a contaminating virus.
What we now know as the 40th Monkey Virus, identified the 40th Monkey Virus,
identified, it's called Simian Virus 40, or SV40, and he stood up in 1960 in
front of a group of stunned virologists and explained that these vaccines, both
the Sabin vaccine and the Salk vaccine, were contaminated with this virus.
Now, the Salk vaccine was inactivated with formaldehyde, therefore that
00:30:00inactivation method reduced infectivity of SV40 by about ten thousand fold,
essentially eliminating it. But not Sabin's vaccine. Sabin's vaccine was not
treated with an inactivating agent at all, and it contained live SV40 virus,
which was known to cause cancer in experimental animals. We didn't know whether
or not it was a cause of cancer of people, and Hilleman just wouldn't take that
chance, so he refused to put out that vaccine, because he didn't know. Now we
know that SV40 doesn't cause cancer in people, but he didn't know it then.
TORGHELE: So he was extra cautious.
OFFIT: Yes.
TORGHELE: You mentioned how many vaccines he worked on and how little credit he got.
OFFIT: Yes, Maurice really either did the primary research or primary
development of nine of the fourteen vaccines that we give to infants and young
children today. We actually made a movie about Maurice, which NOVA's now
considering. It's finished. It's called Hilleman. Hilleman is the title of it.
It's The perilous quest to save the world's children. We have a little segment
00:31:00on polio and I'll show it to you. I have it on my computer.
TORGHELE: Okay, yes. That sounds great. I know about him from a number of people
and how self-effacing, what a good scientist he was.
OFFIT: In October 2004 he was diagnosed with disseminated, what was thought to
be pancreatic cancer, and felt he would only have about six months to live. With
that in mind, I went to interview him because I thought, he was this amazing guy
and all these stories are going to die with him. That was, of all the books I've
written, I think that was a true labor of love. I just really wanted to save all
that information for posterity, and he was very, very generous with his time
when he was quite sick.
TORGHELE: That's very apparent in your book, how you felt. It really was a
service for everyone to document that.
Just to change up a little bit, I know that you have been a member of the
00:32:00Advisory Committee for Immunization Practices with CDC. Can you talk about that
organization and how CDC and ACIP [Advisory Committee for Immunization
Practices] work together and what they do?
OFFIT: I came on in 1998. I was there until 2003, and in my first year made head
of the Polio Vaccine Working Group, actually. Becky Prevots was our liaison to
the CDC. I knew nothing about the ACIP or the CDC. I didn't have any idea how
any of this worked. I'd been sort of buried in a lab for years and didn't know
anything about public health or public health agencies. I was just a lab
researcher. But I was really impressed. Really impressed by Becky Prevots and
everybody who I met there, their dedication to trying to get it right,
protecting the public's health. I hadn't seen anything like it. I was just
amazed. Becky, I think, eventually went to work in Southeast Asia, I think to
try and do what she could to save lives there.
00:33:00
So as the head of the working group, I felt it was time to move to a fully
inactivated polio vaccine program. Although we'd eliminated polio from this
country by the '70s, we hadn't eliminated the polio that was caused by the old
polio vaccines, for twenty years, every year, about six to eight children would
be permanently harmed by that vaccine. I thought, given that we have another
choice, the inactivated vaccine, given that Scandinavian countries had
essentially eliminated polio by only using the inactivated vaccine, although it
was going to be more expensive, it was just not fair, I thought, when you had a
safer vaccine, to not use it. So it was sort of the trying to herd everybody
into that sort of feeling.
What was interesting was that, and I can't tell you how much respect I have for
D. A. Henderson, who has been on the shortlist for the Nobel Prize forever and
certainly should have gotten it. But he was reluctant. I think one of the
reasons he was reluctant to move away from the oral polio vaccine was because of
00:34:00the Cutter incident. There was still sort of a lingering fear that we couldn't
really fully inactivate that vaccine. That Jonas Salk's so-called straight line
theory of inactivation was at best a theory and maybe not a good one, and that
we couldn't really prove that there weren't some live viral particles at least
in some batches. It's interesting how fifty years later we still were feeling
the reverberations of that. I guess forty years later, forty-five years later,
we're still feeling the reverberations of that incident.
TORGHELE: It had a big impact. Since you described the sequence, the straight
line of, can you describe that? When you say straight line that Salk developed,
can you describe that process?
OFFIT: Sure. What Salk's reasoning was the following. Let's suppose we have a
million infectious particles per milliliter, or roughly one-fifth of a teaspoon
of vaccine, of polio that we've grown in a culture. If I treat that at a certain
00:35:00pH with a certain quantity of formaldehyde for, let's say, three days, and that
I get a thousandfold reduction. So instead of getting a million, I just have a
thousand infectious particles. You can test that. You can see whether you have a
million infectious particles. You can see whether you have a thousand infectious
particles. Then if you treat for three more days, then you get another
thousandfold reduction, you would essentially have one infection particle per
milliliter, which you also can test.
But he then reasoned that it would continue to be that way. That if you
continued to treat for another three days, you would get another thousandfold
reduction. Another three days, another thousandfold reduction. So that in theory
by, let's say, nine more days, you would have for all practical purposes a
completely inactivated product. Which is to say you would have, say, only one
infectious particle theoretically, say, per trillion milliliters.
Once you get to a certain point below that line, you can't test. You can't
really test to see whether you have, say, one infectious particle per million
00:36:00milliliters. That's too hard to do. So you just, that becomes a matter of faith.
The area sort of above the x-axis is a matter of fact because you can test for
it, but you get to a certain level of dilution where you just have to believe
that it's true, have faith that it's true. And as we learned from the Cutter
incident, that didn't happen. That straight line inactivation curve didn't
happen. It started to level off.
TORGHELE: Thank you for that explanation. It really makes it clear.
When you mentioned the side effects and the people who got vaccine-associated
paralysis, can you talk about that a little bit and how it was related to the
Sabin vaccine?
OFFIT: I guess what was striking for me was the ability to go interview some
people who had been paralyzed by this Cutter's vaccine, because it really made
it come alive for me. Anne Gottsdanker, specifically, was crying when she was
00:37:00telling me what had happened to her. I asked her if she could have any wish,
what would it be. She said, I wish that I could meet with the CEO of Cutter
Laboratories and he could see what it is that I have to live with, what I've
gone through.
It was a tough time. Medicine, when you try and challenge the evils of this
world, in this case polio virus, it's a war. At some level when there's a war,
there are invariably casualties. The casualty was that we had to learn how to
make this vaccine and mass produce it well. There were casualties with that. I
think if you look at the early days of bone marrow transplants or heart
transplants or liver transplants or kidney transplants, they're brutal. We learn
as we go. So that's one. It's just the human face that was put on this tragedy
by people like Anne Gottsdanker who, again, were really generous about their
time, to live through this terrible event of the past.
TORGHELE: She, of course, was the one in the court case.
00:38:00
OFFIT: That's right. She was the lead court case.
TORGHELE: And she was awarded some money for it even though Cutter was not found liable?
OFFIT: Well, they were found liable without fault.
TORGHELE: Liable without fault.
OFFIT: Right. It was the birth of liability, which the jurors didn't want. They
wanted to find Cutter not guilty. They felt that this was a bigger problem, that
it wasn't really, Cutter was doing what they were asked to do, that we learn as
we go. The jury got it, actually. It was the judge who directed the verdict. So
you see the tragedy of paralysis caused by a vaccine, and we fixed that. The
straight-line theory of inactivation was correct, we just had to do a better job
at filtering out the cells and cell debris.
Then we go to Sabin's vaccine, which is unique among vaccines, and it's the only
live attenuated viral vaccine that actually has the capacity to revert back to
neurovirulent type or essentially wild type. In other words, the type III virus
that he had only had two mutations that attenuated neurovirulence, and that's
00:39:00number one. So it really wasn't highly attenuated. It was attenuated for growth
in the nervous system, but it wasn't attenuated for growth in the intestine. It
could grow fine in the intestine. So here you have a virus that grows well in
the intestine, that's a single-stranded RNA virus so its replication is only so
faithful, that only has two mutations that attenuate neurovirulence. Therefore,
there were occasionally times when it could revert back to wild type and cause
polio not only in the person who received it, but in a person who came in
contact with a person who received it, because the virus could be shed in the
stools for weeks, sometimes months. I think Albert Sabin went to his grave never
believing that was true. He never believed that that was the case, but it was
the case.
So his vaccine, which came onto the market in the 1960s, ultimately was replaced
with the inactivated vaccine by the year 2000 because the Salk idea was the
right one, which was that we can eliminate this disease using an inactivated
vaccine that provides long-term immunity and anamnestic response, and we don't
00:40:00need to take the risk of a live attenuated viral vaccine.
TORGHELE: Again, that decision was made by ACIP with the support of CDC?
OFFIT: Right, so the ACIP is an advisory committee. We give advice and the CDC
invariably follows that advice. Not always, but they did here and so we moved to
the inactivated vaccine.
The person who I think was the key person, that was a guy named John Salamone,
who was a true vaccine safety activist. You hear all these days about people
like Barbara Lowe Fisher or Lynn Redwood or J. B. Handley or Jenny McCarthy call
themselves vaccine safety activists, but they're not vaccine safety activists
because they're asking for vaccines to do something that they already don't do.
Vaccines don't cause autism, therefore you can't make a vaccine that is safer in
that it doesn't cause autism, and the current vaccines don't cause autism. But
Salamone's son had developed polio from the oral polio vaccine, and he never
knew that was the possible problem. He never knew that there was another vaccine
00:41:00that one theoretically could have used. So in a very respectful manner, and he
was good at it. He had been a lobbyist for the Italian-American Association, so
I think he understood how to apply political pressure in a manner to get things
done without putting people off.
I brought him onto that committee, on to our polio working group, because I
thought his voice should be on there. It kept us all straight about what was at
risk here. It therefore became much harder to have the conversation about how
much money we were spending to prevent a case of paralytic polio,
vaccine-associated paralytic polio, which ended up being about four million
dollars. We spent about four million dollars per case of preventing
vaccine-associated paralytic polio by moving from the live attenuated vaccine to
the inactivated vaccine. But he put a human face on that, John Salamone.
TORGHELE: That makes all the difference for people.
Now, I know you have a time limitation. I wondered if you could just touch on
00:42:00your thoughts about global eradication of polio.
OFFIT: I think there will be global eradication of polio. We've already
eliminated type II. That's a good start, so there's only two strains, two
serotypes left. I think it's a challenge, but I do think we're getting there. We
now have just two countries in which the virus is endemic, and although it
involves countries that surround those countries I think this will happen
because there's such an enormous effort to make it happen. Obviously the
difficulties with the infrastructure in some of these countries, difficulties
with war in these countries, has made this more difficult than it should be, but
we'll get there. We will. I say that because we've been able to eliminate one of
the serotypes. Smallpox was the first human virus that was eliminated by
vaccines. Polio type II is the second. We've also eliminated one animal strain,
an animal virus called rinderpest has now been eliminated by vaccination. I
00:43:00think vaccinations are the most powerful thing we do in medicine, and I have no
doubt we're going to be able to eliminate this disease just like we eliminated
smallpox. It's not as quickly as we had hoped, but it will happen.
TORGHELE: Do you have any last thoughts before we wind up?
OFFIT: I would say this. I think that the Cutter incident taught us a lot of
things, but one thing it taught us is how quickly and effectively the CDC could
act at preventing what was a terrible tragedy, which could have been a much
worse tragedy if we had withheld that vaccine for much longer. If we had
withheld all those vaccines instead of for weeks but held it for months, we
would have entered another polio season and there would have been thousands of
children who were paralyzed and hundreds to a few thousand who would have died.
That's all because of the CDC, their ability to act quickly and effectively,
identify the problem and hold manufacturers to safety standards that made for a
better vaccine. I think it was an example of real heroism by public health
00:44:00agency, but unfortunately we don't like our heroes to come from public health
agencies, but they're there.
TORGHELE: Thank you so much. This has been a real joy to interview you, and it's
been very informative. You've clarified a lot of issues that no one else could
as well. Thank you very much.
OFFIT: Thank you.